One of the most surprising things foreign travelers rave about has to be the Japanese bento, or boxed lunch. Whether sold at a train station, supermarket, or convenience store, the Japanese bento delivers a delicious meal at a reasonable price for people on the go. On a sunny day, I’ll buy one from a department store and eat it outside at a nearby park on my lunch break.
But just how Japanese are Japanese bentos these days?
The rice and vegetables may have been planted and harvested on Japanese farms by workers from Myanmar, meat and fish processed at Japanese food manufacturing plants by workers from Thailand and the Philippines, meals cooked and assembled at distribution centers by workers from Vietnam, and finished bentos sold in convenience stores by workers from Nepal. During the COVID-19 pandemic, when Japanese residents were asked to voluntarily remain at home and refrain from travel and social activities, these workers played a vital role in keeping essential services running.
With the graying of its population, Japan has confronted workforce needs through its highly structured Specified Skilled Worker (SSW) system. While not without shortcomings, this system provides a legal framework for employing foreign workers across 16 sectors fundamental to nearly every aspect of daily life in Japan, including food service, food manufacturing, nursing care, construction, agriculture, and manufacturing.
The system consists of two categories: Specified Skilled Worker No. 1 (SSW1), for workers with the practical skills and Japanese language ability required to work in a designated sector, and Specified Skilled Worker No. 2 (SSW2), for those who have further developed their professional skills, experience, and workplace responsibilities.
Beginning in April 2027, Japan will replace the Technical Intern Training Program with the new Employment for Skill Development Program. This new program is designed to develop workers, provide a clearer career pathway, strengthen language and skills development, and allow greater freedom to change employers within the same industry under certain conditions.
Overseas Recruitment and Worker Debt
For typical Japanese employers, screening prospective workers overseas and processing the documentation required to obtain a visa often exceeds their capacity. This is why much of the recruitment process is outsourced to Japanese placement agencies, which conduct the initial interviews locally and oversee pre-departure Japanese language training. It is at this stage that one of the most significant shortcomings of the system emerges.
Although Japanese employers typically pay placement agencies substantial fees of US$8,000 or more for each successful candidate, many prospective workers are also charged nearly the same amount in placement fees, often exceeding the average annual income in their home countries by two to four times. The Philippines is a notable exception, as recruitment fees charged to overseas workers are strictly regulated and, in many cases, prohibited.
For workers in other labor-sending countries such as Indonesia, Myanmar, Nepal, Thailand, and Vietnam, these fees frequently must be financed through burdensome loans, leaving much of their disposable income during their first several years in Japan devoted to debt repayment rather than a down payment on their future.
Under Japanese law, recruitment and placement fees are the responsibility of the employer, not the foreign worker. Yet workers recruited through overseas networks can still be required to pay substantial upfront fees in their home countries, creating a discrepancy between Japanese law and what workers may actually have to pay before coming to Japan.
Nuk’s Story
Consider the case of Nuk (a pseudonym), a 44-year-old single mother from a rural town outside of Chiang Mai, Thailand. Raised in poverty by her father and grandfather, she began helping to support her family while still in elementary school, selling fruits and vegetables at local markets. Her family home had no electricity, so she had to study by candlelight. At the age of 15, she entered the workforce while attending night school to complete her secondary education.
After working in the general affairs department of a Japanese company in Chiang Mai, Nuk decided to seek employment in Japan in the hope of saving enough money to buy a home for her retirement, a dream shared by many. To secure a position under the Technical Intern Training Program, she was required to pay the equivalent of US$8,000 in placement fees. She then spent three months in Bangkok receiving Japanese language training and orientation while residing in a dormitory operated by the placement agency, paying for her own meals and living expenses.
During her initial interview with representatives of the Japanese employer, communication was conducted through an interpreter. Upon successfully completing the program, she was placed at a food distribution center in western Japan.
There she worked six days a week, often 10- to 12-hour days, and was glad to receive overtime work since it enabled her to pay off her loan and support her son. At the same time, the company president valued workers like Nuk and treated them as equals to his Japanese employees, while understanding the difficulties of living far from home, adapting to a different culture, and communicating in a foreign language.
During her first five years in Japan, Nuk steadily improved her Japanese language ability and professional skills. Having previously attempted the nursing examination in Thailand without success, she instead built a career in food distribution and eventually passed the examinations required to qualify for SSW1 status. After returning to Chiang Mai when her visa expired, she supported herself and her son through work in local factories while studying how to prepare Thai course dinners, maintaining her Japanese language skills, and applying for positions that would allow her to return to Japan as an SSW1 worker and continue progressing toward SSW2.
Act Two in Japan
Unlike her first interview years earlier, which had required an interpreter, she was able to conduct her second-round interview entirely in Japanese, demonstrating the language proficiency she had acquired through years of living and working in Japan. Despite already possessing the necessary qualifications, work experience, and language ability, she and the other applicants in her group were informed that they would be required to pay another US$8,000 in placement fees and repeat language training and orientation in Bangkok.
Unwilling to do so, Nuk continued her job search and eventually received an offer from a food manufacturing company in Hokkaido. Even then, she was still required to pay over US$5,000 in placement fees before returning to Japan. Although the work differs from her previous position and the winters are far harsher than those in Thailand, Nuk has come to appreciate the sense of community among both Japanese and foreign workers at the plant in Hokkaido.
When asked by a customer visiting the factory what she disliked about the company, she smiled and replied, “Not enough overtime.”
On-Site Realities
Although public discussion of foreign labor in Japan often focuses on abuses, the reality in many large manufacturing and food-processing companies is more nuanced. The work can be demanding, involving long hours, overtime, and night shifts, but many workers value the opportunity to earn higher wages than would be available in their home countries and actively seek overtime work. Similarly, many employers provide low-cost housing, informal mentoring, and day-to-day support, and often develop strong relationships with their foreign employees. The relationship is often characterized by mutual appreciation and dependence.
One aspect of this dynamic that is often overlooked is its paternal nature. This becomes most apparent when a worker faces a personal crisis, such as a serious illness or a family emergency back home. In such situations, employers frequently step in to help navigate language barriers, administrative procedures, travel arrangements, and even unexpected financial burdens that would otherwise be difficult for the worker to manage alone.
Nuk first experienced that protectiveness when she was unable to return from a trip to Kyoto because a typhoon had stopped the trains. Expecting to be scolded when she called the company, she instead heard the calm voice of the company president, who asked if she was safe and reassured her that someone would cover her shift.
That is a side of Japanese corporate culture that is often overlooked in media coverage. If there is a weak point in the system, it lies in the recruitment process. Recruitment fees can saddle workers with debts amounting to several times their annual income, reducing the financial benefits of working abroad before they ever arrive in Japan.
Nuk’s experience highlights one of the challenges that Japan’s upcoming Employment for Skill Development Program seeks to address. The new framework places greater emphasis on oversight of recruiters and sending organizations and aims to reduce excessive recruitment costs that burden workers before they arrive in Japan. Yet many of the labor-sending countries involved already maintain laws intended to prevent such practices. Whether the reforms produce meaningful change will depend not only on the rules themselves, but also on the degree to which they can be enforced across complex recruitment networks spanning multiple countries.
Possibility for a Bright Future
If the reforms succeed in reducing recruitment fees and streamlining the hiring process, they will represent a significant improvement to Japan’s foreign labor system. At the same time, the new framework has raised concerns among both workers and employers. Few would dispute the need for stronger Japanese language skills, particularly in workplaces where safety and communication are critical. Yet foreign workers must often acquire those skills while working long hours, rotating shifts, and demanding jobs. Language training will therefore need to become part of the workplace itself rather than an expectation placed solely on workers outside of working hours.
Meanwhile, employers worry less about worker mobility than about maintaining stability. Foreign workers are protected by the same labor laws as Japanese employees, and many companies are willing to accommodate transfers when opportunities arise elsewhere. More often, the challenge is one of timing and continuity.
According to industry estimates, a Japanese employer may invest approximately US$7,000 to US$10,000 per worker during the first year of recruiting, relocating, and supporting a Specified Skilled Worker. These figures exclude wages, overtime, social insurance, pension contributions, and other statutory employment costs.
For a company hiring just ten workers, recruitment and onboarding expenses alone could exceed US$80,000.
No matter how far robotics and artificial intelligence advance, Japan’s need for skilled foreign workers is unlikely to disappear. The challenge for policymakers is not simply how to regulate that workforce, but how to create a system that allows workers and employers to build productive, long-term relationships based on mutual trust and benefit. The more successful Japan is in aligning the needs of employers with the aspirations of foreign workers, the greater the contribution those workers can make to the workplace, their local communities, and Japanese society as a whole.
And if Japan can succeed in fostering these relationships between companies and foreign workers, then the bentos sold at train stations, supermarkets, and convenience stores will truly be Japanese bentos.
